“The opposition is ready to steer Kosovo back on the path toward the West.”

An interview I gave to The Albanian Post published in Tirana and Prishtina on the Kosovo national elections, diplomatic efforts post-Trump and the new path that can be charted by a new government.

In an exclusive interview, Petrit Selimi analyzes the political atmosphere ahead of the national elections on February 9. He expresses confidence that the opposition has the potential to win these elections and establish the foundations for stable governance.

According to him, Albin Kurti’s administration has damaged relations with international allies and created internal tensions, leaving Kosovo in a more isolated position than ever before. In this interview, Selimi discusses the opposition’s prospects, diplomatic challenges, and the importance of coalitions for the country’s future.

How do you view the start of the election campaign for the February 9 national elections?

The elections were announced months ago, so we’ve had a long pre-campaign period, and now the campaign has officially begun. Some things are already evident: firstly, the trend is shifting in favor of the opposition parties. They have programs, strong candidate lists, and an unprecedented enthusiasm not seen in the past decade. The LDK is running with a fresh face who brings experience from NGOs, while the PDK is led by Bedri Hamza, a very stable figure, electorally tested, with extensive and successful governance experience.

Secondly, Prime Minister Kurti has decided to revert to his original version. No more smiles with a broad team representing various demographic groups. Now, he’s standing alone — no ministers are seen by his side. Resentment, polarization, offense, provocation, and hate speech have taken center stage.

Nobody has seen a VV’s program, but for Albin Kurti, the program, candidates, foreign affairs, and economy are irrelevant. He presents himself as a prophet, as a “father” who needs unquestionable love. However, I’m not sure how effective this approach is when facing the opposition’s arguments against a government with a full mandate and limited successes. This return to “Kurtism” seems forced, and the opposition is not falling into such traps.

Do you think the opposition can win these elections?

I don’t just think so — I’m convinced. Based on all the polls, both public and private, Kurti has already lost the majority support of the Albanian electorate. He might come out slightly ahead percentage-wise — though even that’s questionable — but his coalition-building potential is minimal because he continues to issue harsh and highly offensive accusations against everyone else.

On the other hand, the opposition will undoubtedly secure the legitimacy of the majority of Albanian votes. This majority should suffice for a stable governing coalition, even without the votes of the minority parties. However, I don’t doubt Kurti’s ability to create crises before and after the elections. He’s not the type to accept defeat easily.

But isn’t this Kurti’s main accusation? That all the other parties are uniting yet again against VV?

I don’t think the question is framed correctly. It’s VV that is going against everyone else — against basic civic values and against unity for progress. Kurti is the one spreading labels and conspiracies, dividing the people into traitors and patriots. The truth is that the national interest will be restored with the opposition’s victory and the establishment of multiparty collaboration as a democratic value.

Kosovo’s system is proportional and was designed to promote coalitions and cooperation beyond party divisions. Collaboration, coalitions, and compromise are not dirty words but democratic values and tools. The politics of division within Kosovo, and the division of Kosovo from the West, will hopefully come to an end.

What changes can an opposition-led government realistically bring, given the diplomatic limitations, EU sanctions, and pressures over the Association? How realistic are the promises being made?

The current limitations were created under Kurti’s governance. Sanctions came with Kurti. Sharp conflicts with strategic allies came with Kurti. Severe economic depression and a declining standard of living came with Kurti. No statistical parameter, even those published by the government’s own statistical agency, speaks of success — only stagnation and regression. The average economic growth is below what we had in the years before Kurti. The development of new energy capacities is at zero. Diplomatic recognitions are at zero. Kosovo’s international reputation has fallen to zero. Insults and lies cannot cover the cold, hard facts.

The opposition parties’ programs, particularly with the expertise of Mr. Hamza, bring a new quality and highly concrete plans. These include specific projects, precise figures, and concrete financing. They are also based on past record, such as highways construction, public investments in schools, Kosovo’s diplomatic supremacy over Serbia in the past, but now coupled with a reformed team and a modern agenda.

However, a decision will need to be made regarding the Association, which has now entered the EU conclusions as a non-negotiable condition for further European integration?

We previously had a dialogue process focused on mutual recognition and the broad opening of doors to the international community for Kosovo during the time of Thaçi, Mustafa, and Hoti. Kurti downgraded the process to the Ohrid Agreement, where the Association was placed at the center without mentioning mutual recognition or clarifying the benefits for Kosovo — and without even signing it.

Kurti agreed to all the reduced parameters of the dialogue. He failed to use the war in Ukraine to strengthen Kosovo’s position, allowing Vučić time to recover and enter into other arrangements with the Americans and Europeans. Kurti also failed to turn the Banjska terrorist attack into a diplomatic victory. These were shocking failures with serious repercussions, as we experienced massive losses of time and international understanding.

We must be very, very clear: Kosovo has never been more isolated and marginalized in its history than it is now, thanks to the government’s short-sightedness. Kurti has no relationships with Washington, Paris, Brussels, or even Tirana. We say, “Brave is the one with many friends,” but Kurti has been left without friends. Not a single ally of Kosovo understands or trusts this government’s movements and false promises.

By bringing the dialogue back on track toward recognition and Kosovo’s NATO membership, new opportunities arise for the integration of Serbs in Kosovo and Kosovo’s integration into the Euro-Atlantic family.

Do you believe it’s actually possible for Kosovo to join NATO within one mandate?

I believe it’s possible to take very concrete steps towards signing pre-accession instruments, and secure new recognitions. Absolutely. We must put diplomacy back on track, coordinate steps with allies, and rebuild diplomatic channels with countries that recognize us, including in Asia, Africa, South America, and Oceania.

You have worked extensively with the different U.S. government as the executive director of the American-financed MCC fund, both under the Obama and first Trump administration. How do you assess the differences, and how can this cooperation be strengthened?

First, we must be honest with ourselves: Kosovo is not the center of the world. We are not on President Trump’s immediate priority list, nor were we on President Biden’s. Therefore, we must increase our presence with the new administration through a strengthened embassy in DC, experienced lobbyists, and a Minister of Foreign Affairs who has the expertise and sensitivity to work effectively with allies.

We need to integrate economic policies, including projects like the new gas pipeline and power plant, infrastructure investments, and arms purchases, into our dialogue with allies for a strategic approach with clear goals and mutual benefits. Reducing strategic dialogue to gratitudes and platitudes for our liberation and shared values no longer resonates.

After Ukraine and in a turbulent world, the focus is now on concrete actions and tangible benefits.

President Trump’s “America First” policies emphasize U.S. interests, and we must find the key to align our actions, potential investments, and strategic dialogue with this policy, while simultaneously maintaining robust relationships with Paris, Berlin, London, and Rome — just to mention the Quint states. I believe the situation surrounding the Specialist Chambers should also be part of this strategic dialogue, if not publicly, then at least behind the closed doors.

Do you hope that the trials of Thaçi, Veseli, and others can be included in the discussion agenda? Do you believe Grenell or others will act toward closing the court?

The Specialist Chambers were established a decade or so ago to ensure Kosovo’s robust relationship with the U.S., especially in light of the bizarre accusations of organ harvesting. Over time, the court has proven to be a highly politicized instrument, with a chief prosecutor pursuing a political agenda and indictments that deviate from the need to uncover the truth behind Dick Marty’s allegations.

Now we find ourselves in a situation where anonymous officials, with no accountability or transparency, extend their mandates and hefty salaries at the expense of the basic human rights of the key founders of the KLA and the state of Kosovo.

Kosovo has demonstrated its commitment to uncovering the truth behind Dick Marty’s bizarre accusations, but this political instrument has failed to prove that it operates in Kosovo’s interests.

Currently, this court is unwelcomed by the people of Kosovo, it’s costing European taxpayers €1 billion, and is setting negative records for prolonged detentions for years and years for people on trial. Thus, it is entirely natural to analyze its work and move toward concluding or sunsetting this overly politicized process.

I believe that not only in the U.S. but also in Brussels, there is readiness to discuss this delicate matter.

Original version of interview in Albanian: https://albanianpost.com/petrit-selimi-opozita-eshte-gati-ta-ktheje-kosoven-ne-rrugen-drejt-perendimit/